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Shimon Peres has journeyed from ‘loser’ to Israel’s most popular public figure

 
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WASHINGTON — For decades, this was the joke in Israel: How do you know when Shimon Peres is headed for defeat?

When he announces that he is running.

Peres — today Israel’s extremely popular president and on Wednesday a recipient of the Presidential Medal of Freedom — always seemed doomed to defeat at the polls because of everything he was not: a soldier, a sabra, a gladhander, a gladiator in Israel’s rough-and-tumble political arena.

It has taken Peres, a leader in the Zionist enterprise since his second decade, until his ninth decade to receive the accolades for what he was — the fixer who married Israel to the West.

Part of how Peres, 88, has survived is simply that he has outlasted everyone else.

“He outlived them all,” said Shlomo Aronson, a retired Hebrew University political science professor. “He is a cat with seven souls.”

Peres arrived in Washington this week to receive his honor in a separate ceremony, two weeks after 12 others, including folk singer Bob Dylan and former U.S. Secretary of State Madeleine Albright, were similarly honored. The Israeli’s award symbolizes the enterprise that has been his life’s vision, wedding Jewish nationalism to the universal yearning for freedom.

“Through his life and work, he has strengthened the unbreakable bonds between Israel and the United States,” the White House said last month in announcing Peres as a Medal of Freedom winner.

For David Makovsky, a senior analyst at the Washington Institute for Near East Policy who has tracked Peres’ role in the U.S.-Israel relationship since the 1980s, Peres found the key to bonding his nation with the West. “He was someone who believed that Israel was rooted in its Jewish values and universal values, and that went together,” he said. “He articulated a vision of Israel that many in the West found they could support.”

Peres’ dogged optimism, expressed indefatigably in meetings and appearances that would tire a man half his years, keeps his approval rating stratospheric at home. Haaretz reported in March that he had an 81 percent approval rating. That’s 9 percent higher than a year ago and first among political leaders.

Yet as central as Peres was to Israel’s enterprise since his youth, he also seemed apart from it.

When his mentor, Prime Minister David Ben-Gurion, named him director general of the Defense Ministry in 1953, he became the architect of Israel’s defense establishment. He was 29, and already had more than a decade in the spotlight. Back in 1941, at 18, Peres was elected secretary general of the kibbutz movement’s youth wing. In the Defense Ministry, Peres became instrumental in building Israel’s nuclear reactor and in establishing its reported nuclear weapons program. Yet he never accrued the battlefield scars that were seminal to the persona of other pioneer leaders; in the pre-state militia, the Haganah, Ben-Gurion made him a procurer of weapons.

In 1957, Peres persuaded Germany to break its arms embargo on Israel; a year earlier he had achieved a similar breakthrough with France. Twelve years after the Shoah, the decision on ties with Germany was highly controversial.

Meanwhile, Peres was the published Hebrew poet whose unmistakably Polish vowels were fodder for generations of impressionists. He was the dapper, even-spoken man with the styled hair, the tailored suit, and the muted, tasteful tie in an Israeli political culture that prided itself in outspoken pols who wore roomy pants and open collars. His assistants for decades have been youthful, attractive, and female. Yet the love of his life, his late wife, Sonya, kept a modest kosher home.

He lost the 1977 elections — his first as a Labor Party contender to be prime minister — to the Likud’s Menachem Begin, but his low point came four years later. In the 1981 elections, his campaign was marred by protesters who pelted the podium with fruit and shouted obscenities at him. In the final days of the campaign, Labor tried to make an issue of such attacks, running a TV ad showing Likud backers openly brandishing knives at Peres rallies. It backfired; critics deemed Peres elitist for pointing out that he campaigned under the threat of violence.

In both the 1984 and 1988 elections, Peres was in a deadlock with Likud’s Yitzhak Shamir; both elections resulted in an uncomfortable national unity government. Throughout, Peres fought bitterly with Yitzhak Rabin’s camp in the Labor Party. In 1990, when Peres attempted to talk smaller parties into breaking away from the ruling coalition, Rabin gave it the lasting label of the “stinking trick.”

To observers such as Makovsky, Peres could not adapt his vision to the needs of the day. “He could be so far ahead; he is futuristic,” Makovsky said.

In 1987, as Shamir’s foreign minister, Peres attempted to negotiate a peace treaty with Jordan that would have had the Hashemite kingdom take back much of its authority in the west bank. What made headlines, however, was how Peres had kept Shamir out of the loop and then nixed the secret plan when it came to light.

Today, the Israeli elite, both right and left, believe the deal would have allowed Israel to shed much of its responsibility for the Palestinians, which likely would have meant that there would have been no intifadas. Many now see the failure to accept the plan as the government’s greatest mistake in the post-1967 period, according to Makovsky.

Peres, however, would not relinquish his vision.

He attempted to maneuver away from the national unity government in 1990, in part because he was readier than Shamir to embrace President George H.W. Bush’s eagerness to broker a deal with the Palestinians. When Rabin was elected prime minister in 1992, and named Peres his foreign minister, the germination of that effort became the Oslo Accords.

The next year, that blueprint for a still-unfulfilled Israeli-Palestinian peace would win the two Israelis the Nobel Peace Prize, along with Palestinian leader Yasser Arafat.

Two years later, Peres was devastated by Rabin’s murder by a right-wing Jewish extremist. Assuming the prime ministership, he faltered ahead of the 1996 elections. Seeking to prove his security credentials, in response to bus bombings in Israel and rocket fire from Lebanon, he ordered a mini-invasion of Lebanon. He hastily pulled out after an errant Israeli shell killed 106 civilians taking refuge in a U.N. compound. As a result, Peres seemed simultaneously bloodthirsty abroad and equivocating at home.

In that race, the Likud’s Benjamin Netanyahu established an easy call and response with his base; Peres would deliver dry encomiums on the new Middle East he imagined, looking up occasionally to scan the crowd in what seemed to be silent pleas for cheers. When Peres went to sleep early the next morning, the polls had declared him a winner; he woke up having lost yet again.

An additional humiliation on the national stage came in 2000. He was 77 and ready to enter his post-political career. He hoped for the presidency, a largely honorary position elected by the parliament. Peres believed he had the necessary support, but the haredi Orthodox Shas party, after delivering assurances to him, switched to supporting the Likud candidate, Moshe Katzav.

Katzav was forced out in 2007 after being charged with rape, which eventually resulted in a conviction and prison sentence. Peres, the forgotten man, emerged yet again. His flaws of image seemed petty against such a scandal.

By then, noted Aronson of the Hebrew University, Peres’ image had yet another reversal.

“He is a kind of hero of the Israeli left, which was not the case for most of his career,” Aronson said. “And those Israelis who do not believe in the peace process see Dimona,” Israel’s nuclear reactor, “as necessary to our survival.”

Finally, 70 years after Shimon Peres arrived on the national leadership stage, the vast majority of Israelis are applauding.

JTA Wire Service

 
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Another decade, another war

Israeli journalist will report on Gaza at federation breakfast in Englewood

Alon Ben-David entered journalism in 1985. He was 18.

That’s when he was drafted into the Israeli Defense Forces; he spent his time in the IDF working for Army Radio.

“It’s considered one of the best schools of journalism,” he said. “They throw you into the work.”

Thirty years later, Mr. Ben-David is the military correspondent for one of the three Israeli television channels, which incongruously is called Channel 10. (Channel 1 is the original, state-run station, where Mr. Ben David started working soon after his army term; the second channel is the privately run Channel 2.) In that capacity, he will come to Englewood next week to speak about the Israeli situation, with specific attention to the ramifications of this summer’s war with Gaza.

A lot of history has happened on his watch. He covered the first intifada, the second intifada, the second Lebanon war, the withdrawal from Gaza, the recent conflicts in Gaza … “All of those,” he said.

 

Israel eases conversion procedures

Orthodox rabbinic group Tzohar claims victory

On Monday morning, Rabbi David Stav’s inbox was overflowing.

During an interview at a Teaneck cafe, he apologized for looking at his phone as the messages came pouring in. (He was in the area after spending Shabbat at Manhattan synagogues; he is scheduled to be scholar in residence at Englewood’s Congregation Ahavath Torah in February.)

But that morning — well, afternoon, Israel time — the Sephardi chief rabbi of the State of Israel — Rabbi Yitzchak Yosef — had denounced Rabbi Stav by name in a radio interview, and his friends were letting him know.

Rabbi Stav heads Tzohar, an organization of Israeli Orthodox rabbis that tries to bridge the gaps between Israel’s established Orthodox rabbinate — which regulates marriage and divorce in the country — and the secular public.

 

Challenge from the left

New NIF campaign adopts right’s tools

WASHINGTON — In a strategic shift, the New Israel Fund is arming itself with a set of sharp political tools and picking a fight.

Its target: Israel’s political right.

Its weapons: Opposition research, media monitoring, and staking its claims to patriotism and Zionism.

If NIF’s dramatic language, outlined in a September 18 press release, and its tough new posture seem familiar, it’s because the funder is adopting tactics used by the right to marginalize NIF and its clients.

“Over the past decade, Israel has endured an assault on liberal democratic values and a growing defiance of democratic norms, endangering freedom of speech and conscience as well as minority rights,” the release said. “Overt racism, ultra-nationalism and xenophobia are on the rise.”

 

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